The reason for the first Russian revolution (1905-1907) was the aggravation of the internal political situation. Social tension was provoked by the remnants of serfdom, the preservation of landownership, the lack of freedoms, the agrarian overpopulation of the center, the national question, the rapid growth of capitalism, and the unresolved peasant and worker question. Defeat and the economic crisis of 1900-1908. made the situation worse.

In 1904, liberals proposed introducing a constitution in Russia, limiting autocracy by convening popular representation. made a public statement of disagreement with the introduction of the constitution. The impetus for the start of revolutionary events was the strike of workers at the Putilov plant in St. Petersburg. The strikers put forward economic and political demands.

A peaceful march to the Winter Palace was scheduled for January 9, 1905 in order to submit a petition addressed to the Tsar, which contained demands for democratic changes in Russia. This date is associated with the first stage of the revolution. The demonstrators, led by priest G. Gapon, were met by troops, and fire was opened on the participants in the peaceful procession. The cavalry took part in dispersing the procession. As a result, about 1 thousand people were killed and about 2 thousand were injured. This day was named. The senseless and brutal massacre strengthened revolutionary sentiments in the country.

In April 1905, the 3rd congress of the left wing of the RSDLP took place in London. Issues were resolved about the nature of the revolution, the armed uprising, the Provisional Government, and the attitude towards the peasantry.

The right wing - the Mensheviks, who met at a separate conference - defined the revolution as bourgeois in character and driving forces. The task was set of transferring power into the hands of the bourgeoisie and creating a parliamentary republic.

The strike (general strike of textile workers) in Ivano-Frankovsk, which began on May 12, 1905, lasted more than two months and attracted 70 thousand participants. Both economic and political demands were made; The Council of Authorized Deputies was created.

The workers' demands were partially satisfied. On October 6, 1905, a strike began in Moscow on the Kazan Railway, which became an all-Russian strike on October 15. Demands for democratic freedoms and an eight-hour working day were put forward.

On October 17, Nicholas II signed a document that proclaimed political freedoms and promised freedom of elections to the State Duma. Thus began the second stage of the revolution - the period of highest growth.

In June, an uprising began on the battleship of the Black Sea flotilla "Prince Potemkin-Tavrichesky". It was held under the slogan “Down with autocracy!” However, this uprising was not supported by the crews of other ships of the squadron. "Potemkin" was forced to go into the waters of Romania and surrender there.

In July 1905, at the direction of Nicholas II, a legislative advisory body - the State Duma - was established and regulations on elections were developed. Workers, women, military personnel, students and youth were not given the right to participate in elections.

On November 11-16, there was an uprising of sailors in Sevastopol and on the cruiser "Ochakov", led by Lieutenant P.P. Schmidt. The uprising was suppressed, Schmidt and three sailors were shot, more than 300 people were convicted or exiled to hard labor and settlements.

Under the influence of the Socialist Revolutionaries and liberals, the All-Russian Peasant Union was organized in August 1905, advocating peaceful methods of struggle. However, by the fall, the members of the union announced their joining the Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. The peasants demanded the division of the landowners' lands.

On December 7, 1905, the Moscow Soviet called for a political strike, which developed into an uprising led by. The government transferred troops from St. Petersburg. The fighting took place on the barricades; the last pockets of resistance were suppressed in the Krasnaya Presnya area on December 19. The organizers and participants of the uprising were arrested and convicted. The same fate befell uprisings in other regions of Russia.

The reasons for the decline of the revolution (third stage) were the brutal suppression of the uprising in Moscow and the people’s faith that the Duma was able to solve their problems.

In April 1906, the first elections to the Duma were held, as a result of which two parties entered it: constitutional democrats and socialist revolutionaries, who advocated the transfer of landowners' lands to peasants and the state. This Duma did not suit the Tsar, and in July 1906 it ceased to exist.

In the summer of the same year, the uprising of sailors in Sveaborg and Kronstadt was suppressed. On November 9, 1906, with the participation of the Prime Minister, a decree was created on the abolition of redemption payments for land.

In February 1907, the second elections to the Duma took place. Subsequently, its candidates, in the opinion of the tsar, turned out to be even more “revolutionary” than the previous ones, and he not only dissolved the Duma, but also created an electoral law reducing the number of deputies from among the workers and peasants, thereby carrying out a coup d'etat that put an end to the revolution.

The reasons for the defeat of the revolution include the lack of unity of goals between the actions of workers and peasants in organizational aspects, the absence of a single political leader of the revolution, as well as the lack of assistance to the people from the army.

The first Russian revolution of 1905-1907. is defined as bourgeois-democratic, since the tasks of the revolution are the overthrow of the autocracy, the elimination of landownership, the destruction of the class system, and the establishment of a democratic republic.

Morocco. Tangier. Visit of the Emperor of Germany William II , taking a yacht trip in the Mediterranean Sea. At a ceremonial meeting held by the Moroccan authorities in his honor, the Kaiser made a speech sharply criticizing the Anglo-French Morocco Treaty of the year, according to which France should play a major role in Morocco. Wilhelm puts forward a demand for free trade, equal rights Germany in Morocco and a statement that he, William II, wished to deal with the Moroccan Sultan as an independent sovereign, and that from the outside France expects these wishes to be respected. This speech marked the beginning First Moroccan crisis.

Notes:

* To compare events that took place in Russia and Western Europe, in all chronological tables, starting from 1582 (the year of the introduction of the Gregorian calendar in eight European countries) and ending with 1918 (the year of the transition of Soviet Russia from the Julian to the Gregorian calendar), in the column DATES indicated date only according to the Gregorian calendar, and the Julian date is indicated in parentheses along with a description of the event. In chronological tables describing the periods before the introduction of the new style by Pope Gregory XIII (in the DATES column) Dates are based on the Julian calendar only.. At the same time, no translation is made to the Gregorian calendar, because it did not exist.

Read about the events of the year:

Grand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich. Book of Memories. Supplement to “Illustrated Russia” for 1933. Chapter XIV. One thousand nine hundred and five.

Kokovtsov V.N. From my past. Memoirs 1903-1919 Volumes I and II. Paris, 1933: // Chapter IV. The impact of the events of January 9 on negotiations on external loans. - Negotiations with the House of Mendelssohn and the conclusion of a 4½% loan in Germany. - Loan negotiations in France. - Arrival of the head of the Russian syndicate in Paris, Mr. Netzlin, in St. Petersburg. - The demands placed on them. - Reception of Mr. Netzlin by the Sovereign. - Two rescripts addressed to the new Minister of Internal Affairs Bulygin. - Preparatory discussion of the draft Duma of a legislative nature. S. E. Kryzhanovsky and A. I. Putilov. - My conversation with the adm. Rozhdestvensky before the departure of the squadron. - A. M. Abaza’s project on the acquisition of military vessels in Chile and Brazil. - First news of the defeat at Tsushima. - Consideration of the draft for the establishment of a State Duma of an advisory nature in a meeting chaired by Count. Solsky. // Chapter V Peace Conference in Portsmouth. - A. Ya. Nelidov and N. V. Muravyov are the first candidates for the position of Chief Commissioner. - Appointment of S. Yu. Witte and his departure to Portsmouth. - My informational telegrams. - The direction given to the negotiations by the Sovereign. - The most humble report of gr. Lamsdorf on the main issues of a possible agreement. - The Sovereign's resolution on this report. - A written opinion compiled by me, by order of the Sovereign, on permissible concessions to Japan. - Decisive dispatch from the Sovereign about the inadmissibility of indemnity. - Return of Witte. - A sharp change in his attitude towards me. // Chapter VI. Financial elimination of war. - Summons to St. Petersburg, Mr. Netzlin. - Did Gr. Witte had a conversation about a loan with gr. Byulov. - The arrival of French bankers and my negotiations with them. - Their hasty departure from Russia. - Incidents caused by Witte at meetings to develop a project for unifying the activities of individual ministers and for an amnesty project. The mystery that surrounded the preparation of the manifesto of October 17, 1905. // Chapter VII. Rescript of October 20, 1905 on the appointment of Gr. Witte Chairman of the Council of Ministers. - My resignation letter. - My last report to the Emperor and reception to the Empress. - Witte opposed my appointment as Chairman of the Department of State Economy of the State Council.

Literature:

Complete chronology of the 20th century. Veche-Ast. M., 1999.

The power that was in the hands of one emperor ceased to suit a multimillion-dollar empire. Discontent, generated by many problems, both in the political and social spheres, grew into a revolution. Unrest grew. The monarch could no longer cope with the situation. He had to make a compromise, which became the beginning of the end of the empire.

Internal preconditions of the revolution

Residents of the huge state were dissatisfied with their living and working conditions on many issues. Revolution 1905-1907 covered all classes of Russia. What exactly could unite people from different social groups and ages?

1. Peasants had almost no rights. Despite the fact that this group of the population made up the majority of the inhabitants of the Russian Empire (70%), they were begging and starving. This situation brought the agrarian question to the forefront.
2. The supreme power did not seek to limit its powers and carry out a number of liberal reforms. At that time, ministers Svyatopolk-Mirsky and Witte put forward their projects for consideration.
3. The labor issue also remained acute. Representatives of the working class complained that there was no one to look after their interests. The state did not interfere in the relationship between the subordinate and the employer. Entrepreneurs often took advantage of this and created working and payment conditions that were beneficial only to themselves. As a result, the revolution in Russia set itself the goal of solving this.
4. The dissatisfaction of the inhabitants of the empire, on whose territory there were 57% of non-Russian citizens, intensified due to the unresolved Forced Russification did not proceed as calmly as the authorities imagined.

As a result, a small spark instantly turned into a flame that engulfed the most remote corners of the empire. Betrayal on the part of some high military officials also played a significant role. It was they who provided the revolutionaries with weapons and tactical recommendations and determined the outcome of the matter, even before the outbreak of popular unrest.

External causes of the revolution

The main external reason was the defeat of the empire in the Russo-Japanese War in 1904. Failures at the front gave rise to discontent among that part of the population that hoped for a successful outcome of military operations - the soldiers and their relatives.

According to the unofficial version, Germany was very afraid of the growing power of Russia, so it sent spies who egged on the local population and spread rumors that the West would help everyone.

Bloody Sunday

The main event that shook public foundations is considered to be the peaceful demonstration on Sunday, January 9, 1905. Later this Sunday would be called “bloody.”

The peaceful demonstration of peasants and workers was led by priest and active public figure Georgy Gapon. The protesters planned to arrange a personal meeting with Nicholas II. They were heading towards the Winter Palace. In total, about 150,000 people gathered in the center of the then capital. Nobody imagined that a revolution would begin in Russia.

Officers came out to meet the workers. They began to demand that the protesters stop. But the demonstrators did not listen. Officers began firing their guns to disperse the crowd. The soldiers, who did not have guns, beat people with sabers and whips. 130 people were killed and 299 wounded that day.

The king was not even in the city during all these events. He prudently left the palace with his family.

Society could not forgive the tsarist authorities for such a number of innocently killed citizens. Together with whom he managed to survive that Sunday, plans began to be prepared to overthrow the monarchy.

The words “Down with autocracy!” were heard everywhere. Revolution 1905-1907 has become a reality. Clashes broke out in Russian cities and villages.

Uprising on the Potemkin

One of the turning points of the revolution was the mutiny on the largest Russian battleship, the Prince Potemkin Tauride. The uprising took place on June 14, 1905. The battleship's crew consisted of 731 people. Among them were 26 officers. Crew members interacted closely with workers at ship repair yards. From them they adopted the idea of ​​strikes. But the team took decisive action only after they were served rotten meat for lunch.

This became the main starting point. During the strike, 6 officers were killed and the rest were taken into custody. The Potemkin crew ate breadcrumbs and water, standing under a red flag for 11 days on the high seas, after which they surrendered to the Romanian authorities. Their example was adopted on the St. George the Victorious, and later on the cruiser Ochakov.

Climax

Of course, it was impossible to predict the results of the revolution of 1905-1907 at that time. But when a large-scale All-Russian strike occurred in the fall of 1905, the emperor was forced to listen to the people. It was started by printers and supported by workers from other trade unions. The authorities issued a decree that from now on some political freedoms were granted. The emperor also gave the go-ahead for the creation of the State Duma.

The freedoms granted were suitable for the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries who took part in the strikes. For them at that time the revolution was over.

RSDLP

The revolution was just beginning for the radicals. In December of the same year, members of the RSDLP organized an uprising with weapons on the streets of Moscow. At this stage, the results of the revolution of 1905-1907. supplemented by the published law on elections to the first State Duma.

Having achieved active actions from the authorities, attributing them to the results of the revolution of 1905-1907, the representatives no longer wanted to stop. They expected the results of the work of the State Duma.

Decline in activity

The period from 1906 to the first half of 1907 is characterized by relative calm. The State Duma, which mainly included cadets, set to work, becoming the main legislative body. In February 1907, a new one was created, consisting almost entirely of leftists. They were dissatisfied with her, and after only three months of work the Duma was dissolved.

Strikes also continued regionally, but by that time the power of the monarch had strengthened significantly.

Results of the revolution of 1905-1907

The first revolution did not end with such radical changes as were sought by representatives of radical workers. The monarch remained in power.

Nevertheless, the main results of the Russian revolution of 1905-1907 can be called significant and fateful. They not only drew the line at the absolute power of the emperor, but also forced millions to pay attention to the appalling state of the economy, belated technological progress and the underdevelopment of the army of the Russian Empire in comparison with other states.

The results of the revolution of 1905-1907 can be briefly described in several points. Each of them became a symbol of victory over the power of the empire. Nicholas II managed to retain power in his hands, essentially losing control of the army and navy.

Summary results of the revolution 1905-1907: table

Requirements:	Actions of the authorities
Limit absolute monarchy	Creation of the first State Duma in the history of the Russian Empire; Political parties began to form.
Protect workers' rights	Workers were allowed to create trade unions, cooperatives, insurance companies that protect their rights
Cancel the forced Russification of the population	In relation to the peoples living in the Russian Empire, she softened
Give workers and peasants more freedoms	Nicholas II signed a document on freedom of assembly, speech and conscience
Allow the publication of alternative newspapers and magazines
Help for peasants	The peasants received certain freedoms, but it was forbidden to fine them or harm them; land rental fees have been reduced several times.
Improve working conditions	The working day was reduced to 8 hours

This is how we can briefly characterize the events of 1905-1907. and their consequences.

“Does history teach? In the most general sense, numerous aphorisms on the topic of “history lessons” cannot be considered either true or false. The truth is that some people and groups of people succeed in “learning from history” and some do not. After the defeat of the First Russian Revolution of the 20th century, the most important question became how capable or unable the different parties to the conflict were to abandon old ideas and reconsider their positions, i.e. who learned what lessons, who didn’t learn them and why” (T. Shanin “Revolution as the moment of truth. Russia 1905 -1907”).

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Russian Empire was an absolute monarchy, in which all power belonged to Emperor Nicholas II.

When it comes to such large-scale events as revolution, war or reforms, it is impossible to judge them from one position, since these events are usually formed as a result of the interaction of many individuals, circumstances and situations. It is extremely difficult in a tangle of contradictions to find that thread that, by pulling, can easily unravel this tangle. However, what certainly cannot be ignored is the role of the individual in the events taking place.

So, an absolute monarchy headed by Emperor Nicholas II. There are several articles about Nicholas II on our website: , . Therefore, in order not to repeat ourselves, let's say in general: Emperor Nicholas II had to reign at a time when it was necessary to make complex and uncompromising decisions, but he was not ready for this. Why? There are many reasons. And some of them are the characteristics of his personality. He was well-mannered, educated, reserved - the evenness of his character was sometimes mistaken for insensibility. An excellent family man, a deeply religious man, he highly understood his duty to serve his country. Opponents of Nicholas II usually reproach him for the fact that he did not want to limit his autocracy, but he could not shift the responsibility of rule from himself to anyone else, because he believed that the responsibility for the fate of Russia lay with him - this is how he understood faith in God and in your destiny.

Causes of the revolution

"Bloody Sunday"

Historians call the impetus for the start of mass protests under political slogans “Bloody Sunday” on January 9 (22), 1905. On this day, a peaceful demonstration of workers led by the priest G. Gapon, who headed to the Winter Palace, was shot. Columns of workers numbering up to 150,000 people moved from different areas to the city center in the morning. At the head of one of the columns, priest Gapon walked with a cross in his hand. As the demonstration progressed, the officers demanded that the workers stop, but they continued to move forward, heading towards the Winter Palace. To prevent the accumulation of a crowd of 150 thousand in the center of the city, troops fired rifle salvos at the Narva Gate, at the Trinity Bridge, on the Shlisselburgsky tract, on Vasilyevsky Island, on Palace Square and on Nevsky Prospekt. In other parts of the city, crowds of workers were dispersed with sabers, swords and whips. According to official data, in total on the day of January 9, 96 people were killed and 333 wounded, and taking into account those who died from wounds - 130 killed and 299 wounded.

The dispersal and execution of unarmed workers made a strong impression on society. In addition, as usual, the number of victims in the spreading rumors was repeatedly overestimated, and propaganda, fueled by party proclamations, placed responsibility for what happened entirely on Nicholas II. Priest Gapon managed to escape from the police, but his calls for an armed uprising and the overthrow of the royal dynasty were sent to the masses and were heard by them. Mass strikes under political slogans began in Russia, the influence of revolutionary parties began to grow, and the importance of autocracy began to fall. The slogan “Down with autocracy!” was gaining popularity. Many contemporaries believed that the tsarist government made a mistake by using force against unarmed people. It itself understood this - soon after the events, Minister Svyatopolk-Mirsky was dismissed.

The personality of the priest G. Gapon

G.A. Gapon

Georgy Apollonovich Gapon(1870-1906) - Russian Orthodox priest, politician and trade union leader, outstanding speaker and preacher.

Born in the Poltava province into the family of a wealthy peasant and a volost clerk. His ancestors were Zaporozhye Cossacks. Since childhood, G. Gapon was distinguished by curiosity and learning abilities. He graduated from theological seminary, but was strongly influenced by Tolstoy's ideas. After his ordination to the priesthood, he showed talent as a preacher, and many people flocked to his sermons. Trying to harmonize his life with Christian teaching, Gapon helped the poor and agreed to perform spiritual services free of charge for poor parishioners from neighboring churches, but this led him to conflict with the priests of neighboring parishes, who accused him of stealing their flock. In 1898, Gapon's young wife suddenly died, leaving two small children. To get rid of difficult thoughts, he went to St. Petersburg to enter the theological academy. But studying at the theological academy disappointed Gapon: dead scholasticism did not give him an answer to the question of the meaning of life. He took up Christian preaching among workers and the disadvantaged; these sermons attracted many people. But this activity did not satisfy him either - he did not know how to really help these people return to human life. Gapon's popularity in society was quite high: he was invited to serve at solemn holidays with St. John of Kronstadt and with the future Patriarch Sergius of Stragorod. Already in these years, G. Gapon was known for his ability to control the crowd.

In February 1904, the Ministry of Internal Affairs approved the trade union charter written by Gapon, and soon it was inaugurated under the name “Meeting of Russian Factory Workers of St. Petersburg.” Gapon was the creator and permanent leader of this workers' organization. He launched active activities. Formally, the Assembly was engaged in organizing mutual assistance and education, but Gapon gave it a different direction. From among the faithful workers, he organized a special circle, which he called a “secret committee” and which met in his apartment. At the circle meetings, illegal literature was read, the history of the revolutionary movement was studied, and plans for the future struggle of workers for their rights were discussed. Gapon's idea was to unite the broad working masses and organize them to fight for their rights, for their economic and political interests.

G. A. Gapon in “Meeting of Russian Factory Workers”

On January 6, Gapon arrived at the Narva department of the “Assembly” and gave an incendiary speech, in which he urged the workers to address their needs directly to the tsar. The essence of the speech was that the worker is not considered a person, the truth cannot be achieved anywhere, all laws have been violated, and the workers must put yourself in such a position that they are taken into account. Gapon called on all workers, with their wives and children, to go to the Winter Palace on January 9 at 2 pm.

The preface to the petition stated: “Do not refuse to help Your people, bring them out of the grave of lawlessness, poverty and ignorance, give them the opportunity to decide their own destiny, throw off the unbearable oppression of officials. Destroy the wall between You and your people, and let them rule the country with You." And in conclusion, Gapon, on behalf of the workers, expressed his readiness to die at the walls of the royal palace if the request is not fulfilled: « Here, Sovereign, are our main needs with which we came to You! Command and swear to fulfill them, and You will make Russia happy and glorious, and You will imprint Your name in the hearts of us and our descendants for eternity. But if you do not command, if you do not respond to our prayer, we will die here, in this square, in front of Your palace. We have nowhere else to go and no need to! We have only two paths: either to freedom and happiness, or to the grave. Point out, Sovereign, any of them, we will follow it unquestioningly, even if it is the path to death. Let our lives be a sacrifice for suffering Russia! We don’t feel sorry for this sacrifice, we willingly make it!”

On January 6, Gapon announced the start of a general strike, and by January 7, all factories in St. Petersburg were on strike. The last to stop was the Imperial Porcelain Factory. Gapon wanted to ensure the peaceful nature of the movement; he entered into negotiations with representatives of the revolutionary parties, asking them not to bring discord into the popular movement. “Let us go under one banner, common and peaceful, towards our holy goal,” said Gapon. He urged others to join the peaceful march, not to resort to violence, not to throw red flags and not to shout “down with autocracy.” Contemporaries testify that Gapon expressed confidence in success and believed that the tsar would come out to the people and accept the petition. If the tsar accepts the petition, he will take an oath from him to immediately sign a decree on a general amnesty and the convening of a national Zemsky Sobor. After that, he will come out to the people and wave a white handkerchief - and a national holiday will begin. If the tsar refuses to accept the petition and does not sign the decree, he will go out to the people and wave a red handkerchief - and a nationwide uprising will begin. “Then throw out the red flags and do whatever you find reasonable,” he said.

Many were amazed by the organizational skills of Gapon, who subjugated not only the workers, but also party workers, who even copied Gapon and spoke with his Ukrainian accent.

Gapon foresaw that the Tsar would not want to go out to the people out of fear for his life, so he demanded that the workers swear that they would guarantee the Tsar’s safety at the cost of their own lives. “If anything happens to the king, I will be the first to commit suicide before your eyes,” said Gapon. “You know that I know how to keep my word, and I swear to you about this.” By order of Gapon, special squads were allocated from all departments, which were supposed to provide security for the king and monitor order during the peaceful procession.

Gapon sent letters to the Minister of Internal Affairs P. D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky and Tsar Nicholas II with an appeal to avoid bloodshed: “Sire, I’m afraid that Your ministers did not tell You the whole truth about the current state of affairs in the capital. Know that the workers and residents of St. Petersburg, believing in You, irrevocably decided to appear tomorrow at 2 o’clock in the afternoon at the Winter Palace to present to You their needs and the needs of the entire Russian people. If You, wavering in soul, do not show yourself to the people and if innocent blood is shed, then the moral connection that still exists between You and Your people will be broken. The trust he has in You will disappear forever. Appear yourself tomorrow with a courageous heart before Your people and accept with an open soul our humble petition. I, the representative of the workers, and my courageous comrades, at the cost of our own lives, guarantee the inviolability of Your person.”

After the shooting of the demonstration, Gapon was taken away from the square by the Socialist Revolutionary P. M. Rutenberg. On the way, he was shaved and dressed in secular clothes given by one of the workers, and then brought to the apartment of the writer Maxim Gorky. Here he wrote a message to the workers, in which he called on them to take up armed struggle against the autocracy: “Dear fellow workers! So we no longer have a king! Innocent blood lay between him and the people. Long live the beginning of the people’s struggle for freedom!”

Soon Gapon was transported to Geneva, where he met the Social Revolutionaries and was engaged in revolutionary propaganda, created a new organization, the All-Russian Workers' Union, and wrote an autobiography and a small brochure against Jewish pogroms.

On October 17, 1905, Emperor Nicholas II issued the Highest Manifesto, which granted civil liberties to the inhabitants of Russia. One of them was freedom of assembly. After the Manifesto, he began to receive letters from workers calling on him to return to Russia and head the opening departments of the Assembly. In November 1905, Gapon returned to Russia and settled in an illegal apartment in St. Petersburg. On March 28, 1906, Georgy Gapon went to a business meeting with representatives of the Socialist Revolutionaries, left St. Petersburg along the Finnish Railway and did not return. He did not take any things or weapons with him and promised to return by evening. And only in mid-April did newspapers report that Gapon had been killed by a member of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, Pyotr Rutenberg. The murder of Georgy Gapon is one of the unsolved political murders in Russia.

But Bloody Sunday was only the impetus for the revolution. What was the situation in the country that was ready to succumb to this impulse?

The state of Russia on the eve of the revolution

Peasants constituted the largest class of the Russian Empire - about 77% of the total population. The population grew, which led to the fact that the size of the average plot decreased by 1.7-2 times, and the average yield increased by only 1.34 times. The result of this was a deterioration in the economic situation of the peasantry.

Communal land tenure was preserved in Russia. The peasants could not refuse the land they received or sell it. There was mutual responsibility in the community, and redistribution of land on the basis of equal land use did not improve the situation. The community also dictated the timing of agricultural work. The work system was maintained. The peasants suffered from landlessness, taxes, and redemption payments. About the peasant situation S.Yu. Witte said the following in his memoirs: “ How can a person show and develop not only his work, but initiative in his work, when he knows that the land he cultivates after some time can be replaced by another (community), that the fruits of his labors will be shared not on the basis of general laws and testamentary rights , and according to custom (and often custom is discretion), when he can be responsible for taxes not paid by others (mutual responsibility) ... when he can neither move nor leave his, often poorer than a bird’s nest, home without a passport, the issuance of which depends on discretion, when, in a word, its life is to some extent similar to the life of a domestic animal with the difference that the owner is interested in the life of the domestic animal, because it is his property, and the Russian state has this property in excess at this stage of development of statehood, and what is available in excess is either little or not valued at all.” . And those peasants who went to the city to earn money were forced to agree to any job. This slowed down the introduction of advanced technology, because the qualifications of such workers were very low.

In 1897, an 11.5-hour working day was established, but 14-hour working days were also common. According to a secret circular from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, workers were subject to administrative expulsion without trial or investigation for participation in strikes, as well as imprisonment for a period of 2 to 8 months.

B. Kustodiev “The Bogeyman of the Revolution.” The bogeyman in Church Slavonic is burning brimstone. In a figurative sense, a bogeyman is something frightening, inspiring horror, fear; often in an ironic sense - a scarecrow (propaganda bogeyman)

The degree of exploitation of the proletariat in Russia was very high: the capitalists took 68 kopecks from every ruble earned by a worker in the form of profit. in mineral processing, 78 in metal processing, 96 in the food industry. Expenses for the benefit of workers (hospitals, schools, insurance) amounted to 0.6% of the current expenses of entrepreneurs.

The year 1901 was marked by mass political demonstrations. Demonstrations in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kharkov, Kyiv took place under the slogans of political freedoms. On May 1, 1901, 1,200 workers at the Obukhov plant in St. Petersburg went on strike. In the summer of 1903, the entire south of Russia from Baku to Odessa was engulfed in a huge strike, in which from 130 to 200 thousand people took part. In December 1904, a political strike was held, which ended with the signing of the first collective agreement in the history of the Russian labor movement between workers and oil industrialists.

In 1905, the knot of contradictions in Russia tightened especially strongly. Russia's defeat in the Russo-Japanese War revealed its technical and economic backwardness compared to advanced countries. Both external and internal circumstances pushed Russia onto the path of decisive changes. But the authorities were not ready for them.

Free market competition was constrained by both feudal remnants and artificial monopolization as a result of the economic policies of tsarism. The development of the country's productive forces was slowed down by the system of production relations supported by the authorities.

A whole complex of contradictions existed in the field of social-class relations. The most acute of them was the contradiction between the peasantry and the landowners.

The contradictions between capitalists and workers could be softened by more favorable conditions for the sale of labor: an 8-hour working day, the right to strike, the protection of women and the prohibition of child labor, etc.

The contradictions between tsarism and the peoples of the Russian Empire were especially acute: the peoples put forward demands ranging from cultural-national autonomy to the right to self-determination up to and including secession.

In the political sphere, there was a contradiction between the authorities and the emerging civil society. Russia remained the only major capitalist power in which there was no parliament, no legal political parties, no legal freedoms for citizens. Creating conditions for a rule of law state was one of the most important tasks, on which the resolution of other contradictions in Russia largely depended.

V. Kossak “Bloody Sunday in St. Petersburg 1905”

In such a situation, a powerful labor movement broke out in St. Petersburg.

Progress of the revolution

On December 21, 1904, news of the fall of Port Arthur was received. On December 28, a meeting of 280 representatives of the “Gapon” society took place: it was decided to start a speech.

On December 29, the management of the Putilov plant was presented with a demand for the dismissal of one foreman, who allegedly dismissed four workers without reason. On January 3, 1905, the entire Putilov plant went on strike. The demands were still of an economic nature: an 8-hour working day, a minimum wage. The “Society of Factory Workers” took over the leadership of the strike: its representatives, led by Gapon, negotiated with the administration, organized a strike committee and a fund to help strikers.

On January 5, several tens of thousands of workers were already on strike. Minister of Finance V.N. Kokovtsev presented a report on this to Nicholas II, pointing out the economic impracticability of the requirements and the harmful role of “Gapon’s” society.

On January 7, newspapers were published for the last time—from that day on, the strike spread to printing houses. The idea of ​​going to the Winter Palace excited and excited everyone. The danger that arose so quickly took the authorities by surprise.

The only way to prevent the crowd from taking control of the city center was to establish a cordon of troops on all the main routes leading from the working-class neighborhoods to the palace.

And the leaders of the labor movement spent the whole day on January 8 driving around the city and at numerous rallies calling on the people to go to the palace. On the night of January 9, the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP decided to participate in the procession along with the workers. In the morning, about 140 thousand workers with their families moved to the Winter Palace. They walked with banners, icons, portraits of the Tsar and Tsarina, not knowing that the Tsar had left the capital.

Nicholas II was put in a hopeless situation. He could not accept the demands of the workers, so he decided to leave, giving his government complete freedom of action, naturally, hoping for a peaceful outcome.

V. A. Serov “Soldiers, brave boys, where is your glory?”

When the procession led by Gapon from the Narva outpost approached the Obvodny Canal, a chain of soldiers blocked its path. The crowd, despite warnings, moved forward, holding up a sign: “Soldiers, do not shoot at the people.” First a blank salvo was fired. The ranks of the workers wavered, but the leaders moved on, singing, and the crowd followed them. Then a real salvo was fired. Several dozen people were killed and wounded. Gapon fell to the ground; there was a rumor that he had been killed, but his assistants quickly threw him over the fence, and he escaped safely. The crowd rushed back in disorder.

The same thing happened in other parts of the city. There was a feverish excitement in the city until late at night.

After the events described, Gapon wrote an appeal to the Russian people calling for a general uprising. The Social Revolutionaries printed it in large quantities and distributed it in large quantities throughout the country.

One of the main issues of any revolution is the question of power. First camp were supporters of autocracy. They either did not recognize the changes at all, or agreed to the existence of a legislative body under the autocrat, which would include landowners, high-ranking government officials, the army, the police, part of the bourgeoisie directly associated with tsarism, and many zemstvo leaders.

Second camp consisted of representatives of the liberal bourgeoisie and liberal intelligentsia, the advanced nobility, office workers, the city petty bourgeoisie, and part of the peasants. They advocated the preservation of the monarchy, but a constitutional, parliamentary one, in which legislative power is in the hands of a popularly elected parliament. To achieve their goal, they proposed peaceful, democratic methods of struggle.

To the third camp- revolutionary democratic - included the proletariat, part of the peasantry, the poorest layers of the petty bourgeoisie, etc. Their interests were expressed by Social Democrats, Socialist Revolutionaries, anarchists and other political forces. However, despite the common goals (a democratic republic or anarchy among anarchists), they differed in the means of struggle: from peaceful to armed (armed uprising, terrorist acts, riot, etc.), from legal to illegal. There was also no unity on the question of what the new government would be - dictatorship or democracy, where the boundaries of dictatorship were and how it could be combined with democracy. However, the common goals of breaking the autocratic order objectively made it possible to unite the efforts of the revolutionary-democratic camp. Already in January 1905, about half a million people went on strike in 66 Russian cities - more than in the entire previous decade.

G. K. Savitsky “General railway strike. 1905"

Peasant uprisings were initially spontaneous, although later the All-Russian Peasant Union was formed - the first political organization of peasants. His activities were influenced by the liberal intelligentsia, which was reflected in his demands: abolition of private ownership of land (nationalization of land), confiscation without ransom of monastic, state, appanage lands, confiscation of landowners' lands, partly for free, partly for ransom, convening of the Constituent Assembly, provision of political freedoms.

The intelligentsia actively participated in the revolutionary events. Already on the first day of the revolution, January 9, employees and students took part not only in the procession to the Winter Palace, but also in the construction of barricades and providing assistance to the wounded. In the evening of the same day, the capital's intelligentsia gathered in the building of the Free Economic Society, where they sharply condemned the activities of the tsarist authorities. Immediately, fundraising began to help the wounded and families of killed workers; a mug with the inscription “For weapons” walked through the rows. Representatives of the creative and scientific intelligentsia V. A. Serov, V. G. Korolenko, V. D. Polenov, N. A. Rimsky-Korsakov, K. A. Timiryazev, A. M. Gorky and others appeared in print and on meetings with strong condemnation of the massacre of unarmed workers.

Armed uprisings

So, political freedoms were declared. But the revolutionary parties sought to gain power not through parliamentary means, but through an armed seizure of power. Uprisings began in the army and navy.

Mutiny on the battleship Potemkin

The battleship "Prince Potemkin Tauride" was the newest and one of the strongest ships of the Russian Black Sea Fleet. At the time of entry into service in May 1905, the crew consisted of 731 people, including 26 officers. Due to prolonged contacts with workers at shipyards, the ship's crew was disintegrated by revolutionary agitation. On the afternoon of June 13 (26), 1905, the commander of the battleship, captain of the first rank E. N. Golikov, sent destroyer No. 267 to Odessa to purchase provisions. It was not possible to find a sufficient amount of meat for almost 800 people from Odessa suppliers of provisions for the Black Sea Fleet and in the city's bazaars, and only in the evening of the same day, midshipman A. N. Makarov, an auditor, and crew sailors managed to purchase 28 pounds of beef in one of the stores. Flour, fresh vegetables, delicacies and wine for the wardroom were also purchased. On the way back, the destroyer collided with a fishing boat, was forced to delay to provide assistance to the victims, and take the damaged boat itself in tow, which reduced its speed. Since there were no refrigeration chambers in those days, the meat, which had lain first all day in the store and then all night on board the destroyer, given the hot June weather, arrived on board the battleship by the next morning already stale.

Members of the crew of the battleship Potemkin

On June 14 (27), 1905, there was an uprising of sailors on the battleship who refused to eat borscht made from rotten meat. The organizer and first leader of the uprising on the battleship was a native of Zhitomir, artillery non-commissioned officer Grigory Vakulenchuk. The team refused to take containers for borscht and defiantly ate crackers, washing them down with water. There was a queue at the ship's store. Thus began the riot. During the uprising, 6 officers were killed, the surviving officers were arrested. The rebel battleship was then joined by the crew of the battleship Georgy Pobedonosets, while, unlike the Potemkin, the uprising on the Pobedonosets was not accompanied by the beating of officers - all of them (except for Lieutenant Grigorkov, who committed suicide) were put on a boat and towed by the destroyer No. 267 was sent ashore, landing seven miles east of Odessa. But later “St. George the Victorious” surrendered to the authorities. For 11 days the rebel battleship Potemkin was at sea under a red flag, and when fuel and food ran out, it surrendered to the Romanian authorities. In the Romanian port of Constanta, the sailors drafted an appeal “To the entire civilized world,” in which they demanded an immediate end to the Russo-Japanese War, the overthrow of the autocracy, and the convening of a Constituent Assembly. After this, the Potemkin was towed from Constanta to Sevastopol. Court cases against the rebels began. 28 sailors out of 47 defendants were sentenced: four to death, 16 to hard labor, one to prison correctional facilities, six to disciplinary battalions, one to arrest, the rest were acquitted. Three leaders of the uprising on the St. George the Victorious were also sentenced to death.

Uprising on the cruiser "Ochakov"

It began on November 13, 1905. The officers and conductors left the ship. The uprising was led by S.P. Chastnik, N.G. Antonenko and A.I. Gladkov. In the afternoon of November 14, Lieutenant Schmidt arrived on the Ochakov, raising a signal on it: “Command of the fleet. Schmidt." On the same day he sent a telegram to Nicholas II: “The glorious Black Sea Fleet, sacredly remaining faithful to its people, demands from you, sovereign, the immediate convocation of the Constituent Assembly and no longer obeys your ministers. Fleet Commander P. Schmidt.” On the night of November 15, the strike forces captured the mine cruiser Griden, the destroyer Ferocious, three destroyers and several small ships, and seized a certain amount of weapons in the port. At the same time, the crews of the gunboat “Uralets”, the destroyers “Zavetny”, “Zorkiy” and the training ship “Dniester”, and the mine transport “Bug” joined the rebels.

P.P. Schmidt

In the morning, red flags were raised on all the rebel ships. In order to win over the entire squadron to the side of the rebels, Schmidt went around it on the destroyer “Ferocious”. Then “Ferocious” headed towards the Prut transport, which had been turned into a prison. An armed detachment of sailors led by Schmidt freed the Potemkin residents on the ship. The crew of the “Saint Panteleimon” joined the rebels, but the battleship itself no longer represented a great military force, since it was disarmed even before the start of the uprising.

On the afternoon of November 15, the rebels were given an ultimatum to surrender. Having received no response to the ultimatum, troops loyal to the tsar began shelling the rebel ships. After a two-hour battle, the rebels surrendered. Lieutenant P. P. Schmidt, sailors A. I. Gladkov, N. G. Antonenko, conductor S. P. Chastnik were sentenced to death (shot on March 6, 1906 on the island of Berezan), 14 people - to indefinite hard labor, 103 person - to hard labor, 151 people were sent to disciplinary units, more than 1000 people were punished without trial.

There were also three armed uprisings in Vladivostok - in 1905, 1906, 1907, in which sailors, soldiers and workers mainly participated. They ended with the victory of the royal troops.

In July 1906, the garrison in Sveaborg rebelled. Up to 2 thousand soldiers and sailors of the fortress took part in the uprising. They were helped by detachments of the Finnish Red Guard. On July 18 and 19, there was a fierce artillery exchange between the rebel fortress and troops loyal to the government. A squadron approached Sveaborg and began direct fire on the rebel soldiers and sailors. Despite the support of the sailors of Kronstadt, the uprising in Sveaborg on July 20 was suppressed, and its leaders were executed.

Anti-government demonstrations began, in which the Jewish population took an active part. They ended with Jewish pogroms. The largest pogroms were in Odessa, Rostov-on-Don, Yekaterinoslav, Minsk, and Simferopol. Political murders also became more frequent: in 1904, the Minister of Internal Affairs V.K. Plehve, Minister of Internal Affairs D.S. Sipyagin, several governors and mayors, etc.

G. N. Gorelov "Attack of peasants on a landowner's estate in 1905"

From the very beginning of the revolution, tsarism combined the tactics of repression with the tactics of concessions. Soon after Bloody Sunday, reshuffles and reorganizations in the highest spheres of government followed. Such figures as D. F. Trepov and A. G. Bulygin, who replaced P. D. Svyatopolk-Mirsky as Minister of Internal Affairs, come to the fore. According to the reviews of people who knew him closely, the new minister was an honest man, with fairly extensive knowledge, but at the same time “compassionate, not liking a particularly difficult situation, nor struggle, nor political fuss.” On January 19, 1905, Nicholas II received a delegation from the workers, whom he “forgave for the riot,” and announced a donation of 50 thousand rubles to be distributed to the victims of January 9.

On February 18, the tsar, at the insistence of Bulygin, published a decree allowing private individuals and organizations to submit proposals to the tsar to improve state improvement. In the evening of the same day, the tsar signs a rescript on the creation of a legislative advisory body for the development of legislative proposals - the Duma. But at the same time, in response to student strikes and demonstrations, the tsarist authorities closed all educational institutions in the capital on January 17, 1905.

The culmination of the First Russian Revolution is an armed uprising in Moscow

In October 1905, a strike began in Moscow, the purpose of which was to achieve economic concessions and political freedom. The strike covered the entire country and grew into the All-Russian October political strike: over 2 million people went on strike on October 12-18.

The "General Strike" leaflet stated: “Comrades! The working class rose up to fight. Half of Moscow is on strike. All of Russia may soon go on strike. Go to the streets, to our meetings. Make demands for economic concessions and political freedom!”

This general strike and, above all, the strike of railway workers, forced the emperor to make concessions - on October 17, the Manifesto “On the Improvement of State Order” was published. The October 17 Manifesto granted civil liberties: personal integrity, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association. The convening of the State Duma was promised.

The October 17 manifesto was a serious victory, but the extreme left parties (Bolsheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries) did not support it. The Bolsheviks announced a boycott of the First Duma and continued the course towards an armed uprising, adopted back in April 1905 at the Third Congress of the RSDLP in London (the Menshevik Party did not support the idea of ​​an armed uprising, which the Bolsheviks were developing, and held a parallel conference in Geneva).

The armed uprising in Moscow began on the night of December 7-8, 1905. Vigilantes broke into a weapons store and seized weapons. The first barricade appeared on November 9 on Tverskaya Street.

In the evening, a detachment of Sumy dragoons laid siege to a barricade erected near the Aquarium by vigilantes from stones, driven crowbars, gratings, lanterns, logs, etc., and began to fire at it. Eyewitnesses say that they saw... piles of corpses of 5-10 people nearby.

December 12-15 – the highest intensity of the struggle. The rebels are pushing back the troops in the Arbat area, but the Semenovsky and Ladoga regiments arrive from St. Petersburg, and on December 16, the tsarist troops go on the offensive. The uprising split into several isolated centers, the most important of which was Presnya. The tsarist troops tightened the ring around the Prokhorovskaya manufactory and the factories of Shmita and Mamontov, which were blazing with fire.

Under these conditions, it was inappropriate to continue the uprising, and the executive committee of the Moscow Soviet decided from December 18 to 19 to end the uprising, which was defeated.

An important event in the history of the 1905 revolution was the creation of the first Council of Workers' Deputies. On May 12, a strike began in Ivanovo-Voznesensk. It was headed by the head of the Ivanovo-Voznesensk organization of the RSDLP F.A. Afanasyev and 19-year-old student of the St. Petersburg Polytechnic Institute M.V. Frunze.

To lead the strike movement, it was decided to elect a Council of Workers' Deputies, which soon turned into a body of revolutionary power in the city. The council took control of the protection of factories and factories, banned for a certain period the eviction of workers from their apartments, the increase in food prices, closed state-owned wine shops, and monitored order in the city by creating detachments of workers' militia. The Council formed a financial, food, investigative, agitation and propaganda commission, and an armed squad. All over the country, funds were being collected for striking workers. However, tired of more than two months of strike, the workers agreed to go to work at the end of July, as the owners of a number of factories made concessions.

"Union of Unions"

Back in October 1904, the left wing of the Liberation Union began work to unite all streams of the liberation movement with the aim of creating professional and political unions. By 1905, unions of lawyers, engineers, professors, writers, medical staff, etc. already existed. On May 8-9, 1905, a congress was held at which all unions were united into a single “Union of Unions,” headed by P. N. Milyukov. The Bolsheviks accused the congress of moderate liberalism and left it. Four unions in the “Union of Unions” were created not on professional grounds: “Peasant”, “Zemtsev-Konstitutsionalistov” (landowners), “Union of Jewish Equality” and “Union of Women’s Equality”.

"Bulyginskaya Duma" (State Duma of the Russian Empire1st convocation)

On August 6, 1905, the highest manifesto on the establishment of the State Duma was published. The Manifesto said: “The State Duma is established for the preliminary development and discussion of legislative proposals, ascending, by the force of fundamental laws, through the State Council to the Supreme Autocratic power.” This is the first representative legislative body elected by the population in Russia, the result of an attempt to transform Russia from an autocratic into a parliamentary monarchy, caused by the desire to stabilize the political situation in the face of numerous unrest and revolutionary uprisings. The Duma of the first convocation held one session and lasted 72 days, from April 27 (Old Style) 1906 to July 9, 1906, after which it was dissolved by the emperor. The emperor's manifesto was developed mainly by the Minister of Internal Affairs A.G. Bulygin, which is why it was called the “Bulygin Duma.” The State Duma was assigned the role of not a legislative, but a legislative institution with very limited rights, elected by limited categories of persons: large owners of real estate, large payers of trade and housing taxes and, on special grounds, peasants.

The Duma was supposed to discuss issues of the budget, states, and some laws, but remained a legislative advisory body. In the elections, preference was given to the peasants “as the predominant... most reliable monarchical and conservative element. Most of the Russian population was deprived of voting rights: women, military personnel, workers, students, wandering “foreigners,” etc.

With such an election system, St. Petersburg, with a population of more than 1.5 million people, would provide only 7 thousand voters.

Naturally, a significant part of the supporters of the liberal and revolutionary camp spoke in favor of a boycott of the “Bulygin Duma.”

Revolutionary organizations

Cadet Party

On October 12, 1905, the founding congress of the Constitutional Democratic Party (Cadets), the first legal political party in Russia, opened. Its Central Committee included 11 large landowners and 44 representatives of the intelligentsia (V.I. Vernadsky, A.A. Kizevetter, V.A. Maklakov, P.N. Milyukov, P.B. Struve, I.I. Petrunkevich and etc.).

Their political ideal: constitutional structure based on universal suffrage. They used the same principle to select their allies.

"Freedom of Russia". Poster of the cadet party

Cadet program: equality of all before the law, abolition of estates, freedom of conscience, political freedoms, personal integrity, freedom of movement and travel abroad, free development of local languages ​​along with Russian; Constituent Assembly; development of the local government system, preservation of state unity; abolition of the death penalty; alienation of part of the landowner's property (primarily leased to peasants on enslaving conditions), the entire state land fund and its provision to land-poor and landless peasants; freedom of workers' unions, the right to strike, 8-hour working day, labor protection for women and children, workers' insurance; freedom of teaching, reduction of tuition fees, universal free compulsory primary education, etc. government structure determined by fundamental law.

Although the Cadets recognized the need for a constitutional monarchy, they were not monarchists. They treated it as inevitable: “monarchy was for us... a matter not of principle, but of political expediency.”

In the stormy days of October 1905, the cadets were often inclined to the most radical measures, including even supporting an armed uprising.

Party "Union of October 17" (Octobrists)

Soon after the publication of the Tsar's Manifesto, the party "Union of October 17" (Octobrists) took shape, which included A.I. Guchkov, D.N. Shipov and other large industrialists, traders, and landowners. The Octobrists fully supported the Tsar's manifesto.

Requirements of the Octobrist program: preservation of the unity and indivisibility of the Russian state in the form of a constitutional monarchy; universal suffrage; civil rights, inviolability of person and property; transfer of state and specific lands to the state fund for sale to landless and land-poor peasants; development of local self-government; freedom of workers' unions and strikes; a classless court independent of the administration; the rise of productive forces, the development of the credit system, the dissemination of technical knowledge, the development of railways. Alexander Ivanovich Guchkov became the head of the party.

The Russian bourgeoisie did not consider the Octobrist and Cadets parties to be “their” parties and preferred to create their own Commercial and Industrial Party in 1906. The Octobrists very soon turned three-quarters into a landowner party. The bourgeoisie considered the Cadets a party of intellectuals, far from real life, fruitlessly and dangerously flirting with the masses. The Cadets were a bourgeois party only in the sense that their demands were aimed at improving the bourgeois system in the country.

The far-right forces in the country took the October 17 Manifesto as a signal for open action against democratic forces in support of the shaken autocracy. Back on October 14, 1905, the Governor-General of St. Petersburg D.F. Trepov issued the famous order: “... when providing... resistance - do not fire blank volleys, do not spare cartridges...”. The most reactionary part of the bourgeoisie even demanded the introduction of martial law.

"Union of the Russian People" (Black Hundreds)

Badge of the Odessa branch of the "Union of Russian People"

In October 1905, the organization “Union of the Russian People” (RRN) emerged - a right-wing monarchist (Black Hundred), Orthodox-conservative socio-political organization that operated in the Russian Empire from 1905 to 1917. The initiative to create the “Union of the Russian People” belonged to several prominent figures of the monarchist movement of the early 20th century - the doctor A. I. Dubrovin, the artist A. A. Maykov and the abbot Arseny (Alekseev). "Union" grew at a rapid pace, regional departments were opened in many regions of the empire - it had more than 900 branches. It was headed by A. I. Dubrovin, V. M. Purishkevich and others. The Black Hundred newspaper “Russian Banner” often published messages of the following nature: “... in honor of the predatory cadet, social democratic, social revolutionary and anarchist movement, called in Jewish jargon “liberation”, in one day 2 were killed, 7 were wounded, a total of 9 people.”

The social composition of the Black Hundreds was heterogeneous - from workers to aristocrats, but a significant part consisted of representatives of the petty bourgeoisie.

On November 26, 1906, on the day of the feast of St. George the Victorious, John of Kronstadt, who was extremely popular, arrived at the Mikhailovsky Manege. The “All-Russian Father” said a welcoming speech to the monarchists, of whom about 30 thousand people were present at the event, and recalled the great role of Orthodoxy in the life of Russia. Subsequently, he himself joined the “Union” and was elected an honorary member for life on October 15, 1907. Then Bishop Sergius (Stragorodsky), the future patriarch, appeared, a service was served, which ended with the singing of many years to the Sovereign and the entire Royal House, the founders and leaders of the “Union”, as well as eternal memory to all those who fell for the faith, the Tsar and the Fatherland.

The goals, ideology and program of the “Union” were contained in the Charter, adopted on August 7, 1906. Main goal it focused on the development of national Russian self-awareness and the unification of all Russian people for common work for the benefit of Russia, united and indivisible. This benefit, according to the authors of the document, lay in the traditional formula “Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality.” The Black Hundreds were patronized by Nicholas II himself, who wore the badge of the “Union of the Russian People.”

Nicholas II greets the Black Hundreds

Particular attention was paid to Orthodoxy as the fundamental Christian denomination of Russia.

Over time, the situation in the organization worsened, which led to the final split of the Union. The stumbling block was the attitude towards the State Duma and the Manifesto of October 17.

Almost immediately after the February Revolution of 1917, almost all monarchist organizations were banned, and trials were initiated against the leaders of the “Union”. Monarchical activity in the country was almost completely paralyzed. The subsequent October Revolution and the “Red Terror” led to the death of most of the leaders of the Union of the Russian People. Many former “allies” took part in the White movement.

Defeat of the revolution

The dispersal of the First Duma was perceived by the revolutionary parties as a signal for action and active action. Although the Mensheviks did not proclaim a course towards an armed uprising, they called on the army and navy to join the people; The Bolsheviks intensified preparations for a nationwide uprising, which, in their opinion, could begin in the late summer - early autumn of 1906. On July 14, a meeting of revolutionary parties was held in Helsingfors (the Social Democratic faction and the labor group of the Duma, the Central Committee of the RSDLP, the Central Committee of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, the All-Russian teachers' union, etc.). They called on the peasantry to seize the land of the landowners and to fight for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly.

In 1906, Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin became chairman of the Council of Ministers.

P.A. Stolypin

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Stolypin's activities aroused the hatred of revolutionaries. Several attempts were made on his life, as a result of the last one he was killed. Stolypin initiated a number of important decisions.

On June 3 (16), 1907, the Second State Duma was dissolved early, accompanied by a change in the electoral system. This event is called the “June Third Coup”.

The reason for the dissolution of the Second Duma was the impossibility of establishing constructive interaction between the government, headed by Prime Minister P. A. Stolypin, and the Duma, a significant part of which were representatives of the extreme left parties (Social Democrats, Socialist Revolutionaries, People's Socialists) and the Trudoviks adjoining them . The Second Duma, which opened on February 20, 1907, was no less oppositional than the previously dissolved First Duma. She rejected all government bills and the budget, and the bills proposed by the Duma obviously could not be approved by the State Council and the Emperor. The current situation constituted a constitutional crisis. Basic state laws (in fact, the Russian Constitution) allowed the emperor to dissolve the Duma at any time, but he was obliged to convene a new Duma and could not change the electoral law without its consent; but at the same time, the next Duma, presumably, would not differ in opposition from the dissolved one.

The government found a way out of the crisis by simultaneously dissolving the Duma and changing the electoral law for elections to the next Duma. The pretext for dissolution was a visit to the Social Democratic deputies of the Duma by a delegation of soldiers from the St. Petersburg garrison, who gave them a “soldier’s order.” P. A. Stolypin used this insignificant event in order to, on June 1, 1907, presenting this episode in the form of an extensive conspiracy against the political system, to demand from the Duma the removal from participation in meetings of 55 deputies of the Social Democratic faction and the lifting of parliamentary immunity from sixteen of them. The Duma, without giving an immediate response to the government, established a special commission, the conclusion of which was to be announced on July 4. Without waiting for the Duma's response, Nicholas II dissolved the Duma on June 3, published an amended electoral law and called elections to a new Duma, which was to meet on November 1, 1907. The Second Duma lasted 103 days.

The dissolution of the Duma was the prerogative of the emperor, but the simultaneous change of the electoral law was a violation of the requirements of Article 87 of the Basic State Laws, according to which the electoral law could be changed only with the consent of the State Duma and the State Council; for this reason these events became known as "June 3rd coup".

Results of the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907.

The result of the speeches was octroied constitution(the adoption of a constitution by the current head of state - the monarch, the president, or the granting of a constitution to a colony, dependent territory by the metropolis) -Manifesto of October 17, 1905, which granted civil liberties on the basis of personal integrity, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and unions. A Parliament was established, consisting of the State Council and the State Duma. For the first time, the monarchical government was forced to come to terms with the existence in the country of elements of bourgeois democracy - the Duma and a multi-party system. Russian society has achieved recognition of fundamental individual rights (although not in full and without guarantees of their observance). There was experience in the struggle for freedom and democracy.

Changes in the village: redemption payments were cancelled, landlord arbitrariness was reduced, the rental and sale price of land was reduced; peasants were equal to other classes in the right to movement and residence, admission to universities and the civil service. Officials and police did not interfere in the work of peasant gatherings. But the main agrarian question was never resolved: the peasants did not receive land.

Some workers received voting rights. The proletariat was given the opportunity to form trade unions, and workers no longer bore criminal liability for participating in strikes. The working day in many cases was reduced to 9-10 hours, and in some even to 8 hours. During the revolution, 4.3 million strikers through persistent struggle achieved a wage increase of 12-14%.

The Russification policy had to be somewhat moderated; the national outskirts received representation in the Duma.

But the revolution was followed reaction: “The Third June Coup” of June 3 (16), 1907. The rules for elections to the State Duma were changed to increase the number of deputies loyal to the monarchy; local authorities did not respect the freedoms declared in the Manifesto of October 17, 1905; the most significant agrarian issue for the majority of the country's population was not resolved.

So, the social tension that caused the First Russian Revolution was not completely resolved, which created the preconditions for the subsequent revolutionary uprising of 1917.

G. Korzhev “Picking Up the Banner”

At the beginning of the 20th century. In Russia, objective and subjective prerequisites for revolution have developed, primarily due to the characteristics of Russia as a second-tier country. Four main factors became the most important prerequisites. Russia remained a country with an undeveloped democracy, the absence of a constitution, and the lack of guarantees of human rights, which resulted in the activity of parties opposing the government. After the reforms of the mid-19th century. The peasantry received less land than they used before the reform to ensure their existence, which caused social tension in the village. Growing since the second half of the 19th century. the contradictions between the rapid growth of capitalism and the remnants of serfdom created objective preconditions for discontent among both the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. In addition, Russia was a multinational country in which the situation of non-Russian peoples was extremely difficult. That is why the majority of revolutionaries came from non-Russian peoples (Jews, Ukrainians, Latvians). All this testified to the readiness of entire social groups for revolution.

The revolutionary uprising, caused by the above contradictions, was accelerated by such events as crop failures and famine in a number of provinces at the beginning of the 20th century, the economic crisis of 1900-1903, which led to the marginalization of large masses of workers, and the defeat of Russia in the Russo-Japanese War. By its nature, the revolution of 1905-1907 was bourgeois-democratic, as it was aimed at realizing the demands: the overthrow of the autocracy, the establishment of a democratic republic, the elimination of the class system and landownership. The means of struggle used are strikes and strikes, and the main driving force is the workers (proletariat).

Periodization of the revolution: 1st stage - initial - from January 9 to the autumn of 1905; 2nd stage - culminating - from autumn 1905 to December 1905; and the final stage - January 1906 - June 1907.

Progress of the revolution

The beginning of the revolution is considered to be January 9, 1905 (“Bloody Sunday”) in St. Petersburg, when government troops shot at a demonstration of workers, believed to have been organized by the priest of the St. Petersburg transit prison, Georgy Gapon. Indeed, in an effort to prevent the development of the revolutionary spirit of the masses and bringing their activities under control, the government took steps in this direction. Minister of Internal Affairs Plehve supported S. Zubatov’s experiments to bring the opposition movement under control. He developed and introduced “police socialism.” Its essence was the organization of workers' societies that were engaged in economic education. This, according to Zubatov, was supposed to take the workers away from the political struggle. A worthy successor to Zubatov’s ideas was Georgy Gapon, who created political workers’ organizations.

It was Gapon’s provocative activities that gave impetus to the beginning of the revolution. At the height of the St. Petersburg general strike (up to 3 thousand people participated), Gapon proposed organizing a peaceful procession to the Winter Palace to present a petition to the Tsar about the needs of the workers. Gapon notified the police in advance of the upcoming demonstration, this allowed the government to quickly prepare to suppress the unrest. During the executions of the demonstration, more than 1 thousand people were killed. Thus, January 9, 1905 marked the beginning of the revolution and was called “Bloody Sunday.”

On May 1, a strike of workers began in Ivanovo-Voznesensk. The workers created their own government body - the Council of Workers' Representatives. On May 12, 1905, a strike began in Ivano-Frankovsk, which lasted more than two months. At the same time, unrest broke out in villages that engulfed the Black Earth Center, the Middle Volga region, Ukraine, Belarus and the Baltic states. In the summer of 1905, the All-Russian Peasant Union was formed. At the Congress of the Union, demands were put forward for the transfer of land into the ownership of the entire people. Open armed uprisings broke out in the army and navy. A major event was the armed uprising prepared by the Mensheviks on the battleship Prince Potemkin Tauride. On June 14, 1905, the sailors, who captured the battleship during a spontaneous uprising, brought the ship to the roadstead of Odessa, where at that time a general strike was taking place. But the sailors did not dare to land and support the workers. "Potemkin" went to Romania and surrendered to the authorities.

The beginning of the second (culminating) stage of the revolution occurred in the autumn of 1905. The growth of the revolution, the activation of revolutionary forces and opposition forced the tsarist government to make some concessions. By a rescript of Nicholas II, the Minister of Internal Affairs A. Bulygin was instructed to develop a project for the creation of the State Duma. On August 6, 1905, a manifesto on the convening of the Duma appeared. The majority of participants in the revolutionary movement were not satisfied with either the nature of the “Bulygin Duma” as an exclusively legislative body, or the Regulations on elections to the Duma (elections were held in three curiae: landowners, townspeople, peasants; workers, intellectuals and the petty bourgeoisie did not have voting rights). Due to the boycott of the Bulygin Duma, its elections never took place.

In October - November 1905, unrest among soldiers occurred in Kharkov, Kyiv, Warsaw, Kronstadt, and a number of other cities; on November 11, 1905, an uprising began in Sevastopol, during which sailors under the leadership of Lieutenant P. Schmidt disarmed the officers and created the Sevastopol Council of Deputies . The main base of the rebels was the cruiser "Ochakov", on which a red flag was raised. On November 15-16, 1905, the uprising was suppressed and its leaders were shot. Since mid-October, the government has been losing control of the situation. Rallies and demonstrations took place everywhere demanding a constitution. To overcome the crisis, the government tried to find a way out of the impasse and make even greater concessions.

On October 17, 1905, the Tsar signed a Manifesto, according to which the citizens of Russia were granted civil liberties: personal immunity, freedom of conscience, speech, press, assembly and unions. The State Duma was given legislative functions. The creation of a unified government - the Council of Ministers - was declared. The manifesto influenced the further development of events, reduced the revolutionary impulse of the liberals and contributed to the creation of right-wing legal parties (cadets and Octobrists).

The strike that began in October in Moscow spread throughout the country and grew into the All-Russian October political strike. In October 1905, over 2 million people went on strike. At this time, the Councils of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies arose, which from bodies of the strike struggle turned into parallel (alternative) bodies of power. Those who took part in them: the Mensheviks considered them as bodies of local self-government, and the Bolsheviks - as bodies of an armed uprising. The St. Petersburg and Moscow Soviets of Workers' Deputies were of greatest importance. The Moscow Council issued a call to start a political strike. On December 7, 1905, a general political strike began, which grew in Moscow into the December armed uprising, which lasted until December 19, 1905. Workers built barricades on which they fought with government troops. After the suppression of the December armed uprising in Moscow, the revolutionary wave began to subside. In 1906-1907 strikes, walkouts, peasant unrest, and protests in the army and navy continued. But the government, with the help of severe repressions, gradually regained control over the country.

Thus, during the bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1905-1907, despite all the achievements, it was not possible to achieve the solution of the main tasks put forward at the beginning of the revolution, the overthrow of the autocracy, the destruction of the class system and the establishment of a democratic republic.